۱۳۸۸/۶/۸
۱۳۸۸/۶/۷
۱۳۸۸/۶/۴
۱۳۸۸/۶/۱
من هلاك تو و خاك زير پاتم، توپولف!
من زمين خورده‌ي جعبه ي سياتم،توپولف!
كشته‌ي تيپ زدن و قـدّ و بالاتم، توپولف!
مرده‌ي ريپ زدن و ناز و اداتم، توپولف!
قربـون اون نوسانــات صداتم، توپولف!
يه كلوم ختم كلــوم بنده فداتم، توپولف!
من هواپيما نديدم اينجوري ناز و ملــوس
مي‌پري پر مي زني روي هوا عين خروس!
بذار ايرباس واست عشوه بياد دراز لوس
بدگِلا چش ندارن ببيننت، خوشگل روس!
قربون چشات برم، محــو نيگاتم ، توپولف
يه كلوم ختم كلــوم بنده فداتم، توپولف!
مـــا رو مي‌بري نقـــاط ديدني وقت فرود
گاهي وقتا سر كـــــوه و گاهي وقتا ته رود
مي فرستن همه تا سه روز به روحمون درود
مي خونه مجري سيما واسمون شعر و سرود
چرا ماتم مي گيرن ، مبهوت و ماتم توپولف!
يه كلــوم ختم كلــوم بنده فداتم، توپولف!
وقتي عشقت مي‌كشه گاهي با كلّه مي شيني
به جـــــاي باند فرود، توي محلّه مي شيني
يا مي‌ري تــــوي ده و رو سر گلّه مي شيني
زودي مشهور مي‌شي، رو جلد مجلّه مي شيني
پي گيرعكســــــا و تيتر خبراتم توپولف!
يه كلــوم ختم كلــوم بنده فداتم، توپولف!
مي خوام از خدا كه يك لحظه نشم از تو جدا
چونكه وقتي باهاتم هي مي كنم يـــــاد خدا
بدون نذر و نيـــاز بــــــا تو پريدن ، ابدا!
مي كنم بعد فرود تمــــوم نذرامـــــو ادا
واســه جنّت بليتت گشتــــه براتم، توپولف!
يه كلـــوم ختم كلــوم بنده فداتم، توپولف!
تو كه هي رفيقــــاي ايرونيتو ياد مي كني
كي ميگه تــــو انباراي روسيه باد مي كني؟
ما رو پيك نيك مي بري، سقوط آزاد مي كني
خدا شــــادت بكنه ، روحمونو شاد ميكني
بري تا اون سر اون دونيا(!) باهاتم، توپولف!
يه كلــوم ختم كلــوم بنده فداتم، توپولف
كشته‌ي تيپ زدن و قـدّ و بالاتم، توپولف!
مرده‌ي ريپ زدن و ناز و اداتم، توپولف!
قربـون اون نوسانــات صداتم، توپولف!
يه كلوم ختم كلــوم بنده فداتم، توپولف!
من هواپيما نديدم اينجوري ناز و ملــوس
مي‌پري پر مي زني روي هوا عين خروس!
بذار ايرباس واست عشوه بياد دراز لوس
بدگِلا چش ندارن ببيننت، خوشگل روس!
قربون چشات برم، محــو نيگاتم ، توپولف
يه كلوم ختم كلــوم بنده فداتم، توپولف!
مـــا رو مي‌بري نقـــاط ديدني وقت فرود
گاهي وقتا سر كـــــوه و گاهي وقتا ته رود
مي فرستن همه تا سه روز به روحمون درود
مي خونه مجري سيما واسمون شعر و سرود
چرا ماتم مي گيرن ، مبهوت و ماتم توپولف!
يه كلــوم ختم كلــوم بنده فداتم، توپولف!
وقتي عشقت مي‌كشه گاهي با كلّه مي شيني
به جـــــاي باند فرود، توي محلّه مي شيني
يا مي‌ري تــــوي ده و رو سر گلّه مي شيني
زودي مشهور مي‌شي، رو جلد مجلّه مي شيني
پي گيرعكســــــا و تيتر خبراتم توپولف!
يه كلــوم ختم كلــوم بنده فداتم، توپولف!
مي خوام از خدا كه يك لحظه نشم از تو جدا
چونكه وقتي باهاتم هي مي كنم يـــــاد خدا
بدون نذر و نيـــاز بــــــا تو پريدن ، ابدا!
مي كنم بعد فرود تمــــوم نذرامـــــو ادا
واســه جنّت بليتت گشتــــه براتم، توپولف!
يه كلـــوم ختم كلــوم بنده فداتم، توپولف!
تو كه هي رفيقــــاي ايرونيتو ياد مي كني
كي ميگه تــــو انباراي روسيه باد مي كني؟
ما رو پيك نيك مي بري، سقوط آزاد مي كني
خدا شــــادت بكنه ، روحمونو شاد ميكني
بري تا اون سر اون دونيا(!) باهاتم، توپولف!
يه كلــوم ختم كلــوم بنده فداتم، توپولف
شحری از عالی پیام : قرمز یا آبی
قرمز یا
آبی؟
شنیدم در زمان
خسرو پرویز
گرفتند آدمی را توی
تبریز
به جرم نقض قانون
اساسی و بعض گفتمان های
سیاسی
ولی آن مرد دور
اندیش، از پیش قراری را نهاده با
زن خویش
که از زندان اگر آمد
زمانی به نام من پیامی یا
نشانی
اگر خودکار آبی بود
متنش بدان باشد درست و بی
غل و غش
اگر با
رنگ قرمز بود خودکار
بدان باشد
تمام از روی اجبار
تمامش از فشار
> بازجویی ست
سراپایش دروغ و
یاوه گویی ست
گذشت و روزی آمد
نامه از مرد
گرفت آن نامه را
بانوی پر درد
گشود و دید با هالو
مآبی
نوشته شوهرش با خط
آبی:
عزیزم، عشق من ،
حالت چطور است؟ بگو بی بنده احوالت
چطور است؟
اگر از ما بپرسی،
خوب بشنو
ملالی نیست غیر از
دوری تو
من این جا راحتم،
کیفور کیفور
بساط عیش و عشرت جور
وا جور
در این جا سینما و
باشگاه است
غذا، آجیل، میوه رو
به راه است
کتک با چوب یا
شلاق و باطوم
تماما شایعاتی هست
موهوم
هر آن کس گوید این
جا چوب دار است
بدان این هم دروغی
شاخدار است
در این جا استرس
جایی ندارد
درفش و داغ معنایی
ندارد
کجا تفتیش های
اعتقادی ست؟
کجا سلول های
انفرادی ست؟
همه این جا رفیق و
دوست هستیم
چو گردو داخل یک
پوست هستیم
در این جا بازجو
اصلا نداریم
شکنجه ، اعتراف،
عمرا نداریم
به جای آن اتاق فکر
داریم
روش های بدیع و بکر
داریم
عزیزم، حال من خوب
است این جا
گذشت عمر، مطلوب
است این جا
کسی را هیچ کاری با
کسی نیست
نشانی از غم و
دلواپسی نیست
همه چیزش تمامن
بیست این جا
فقط خود کار قرمز
نیست این جا
سید محمد
رضا عالی پیام
۱۳۸۸/۵/۲۸
Sports-for-Peace"-Awards in Berlin verliehen
linkfarsi
"Sports-for-Peace"-Awards in Berlin verliehen
in english
جایزه «ورزش برای صلح» به خاطر مچ‌بند سبز به شش تن از بازیکنان تیم ملی فوتبال ایران
"Sports-for-Peace"-Awards in Berlin verliehen
in english
جایزه «ورزش برای صلح» به خاطر مچ‌بند سبز به شش تن از بازیکنان تیم ملی فوتبال ایران
۱۳۸۸/۵/۲۶
رهبران معنوی اين جنبش از رهبران سياسی آن متمايزند.
رهبران معنوی اين جنبش تعدادی از روشنفکران هستند که ممکن است در سراسر جهان پراکنده باشند؛ کسانی که نگران آزادی، حقوق بشر و دموکراسی هستند و فکر می‌کنند اگر ايران بخواهد نکبت توسعه نيافتگی را پشت سر بگذارد و به وضعيت بهتری برسد، راه حل آن .....
۱۳۸۸/۵/۲۳
Iran inmates 'tortured to death'
link
One of Iran's defeated opposition presidential candidates has said some protesters held after July's disputed poll were tortured to death in prison.
The claim by Mehdi Karroubi comes days after he said a number of prisoners, both male and female, had been raped.
Officials deny the rape claims, but admit that abuses have taken place.
Officials deny the rape claims, but admit that abuses have taken place.
۱۳۸۸/۵/۲۲
درخواست از دبيرکل سازمان ملل برای به رسميت نشناختن دولت احمدی نژاد
link
letter to UN sec. general
letter to UN sec. general
September 18, 2007
To His Excellency Ban Ki-moon, Secretary-General of the United Nations,
The people of Iran are experiencing difficult times both internationally and domestically. Internationally, they face the threat of a military attack from the US and the imposition of extensive sanctions by the UN Security Council. Domestically, a despotic state has – through constant and organized repression – imprisoned them in a life and death situation.
To His Excellency Ban Ki-moon, Secretary-General of the United Nations,
The people of Iran are experiencing difficult times both internationally and domestically. Internationally, they face the threat of a military attack from the US and the imposition of extensive sanctions by the UN Security Council. Domestically, a despotic state has – through constant and organized repression – imprisoned them in a life and death situation.
Endorsed by:
1. Jürgen Habermas (J.W.Goethe Universitaet, Frankfurt)
2. Charles Taylor (McGill University)
3. Noam Chomsky (MIT)
4. Ronald Dworkin (New York University)
5. Robert Bellah (University of California, Berkeley)
6. Alasdair MacIntyre (University of Notre Dame)
7. Orhan Pamuk (Recipient of the 2006 Nobel Prize for Literature)
8. J.M. Coetzee (Recipient of the 2003 Nobel Prize for Literature)
9. Seamus Heaney (Recipient of the 1995 Nobel Prize for Literature)
10. Nadine Gordimer (Recipient of 1991 Nobel Prize for Literature)
11. Mairead Corrigan-Maguire (Recipient of the 1976 Nobel Peace Prize)
12. Umberto Eco (novelist, Italy)
13. Mario Vargas Llosa (novelist, Peru)
14. Isabel Allende (novelist, Chile)
15. Robert Dahl (Yale University)
16. Michael Walzer (Princeton University)
17. Seyla Benhabib (Yale University)
18. Cornel West (Princeton University)
1. Jürgen Habermas (J.W.Goethe Universitaet, Frankfurt)
2. Charles Taylor (McGill University)
3. Noam Chomsky (MIT)
4. Ronald Dworkin (New York University)
5. Robert Bellah (University of California, Berkeley)
6. Alasdair MacIntyre (University of Notre Dame)
7. Orhan Pamuk (Recipient of the 2006 Nobel Prize for Literature)
8. J.M. Coetzee (Recipient of the 2003 Nobel Prize for Literature)
9. Seamus Heaney (Recipient of the 1995 Nobel Prize for Literature)
10. Nadine Gordimer (Recipient of 1991 Nobel Prize for Literature)
11. Mairead Corrigan-Maguire (Recipient of the 1976 Nobel Peace Prize)
12. Umberto Eco (novelist, Italy)
13. Mario Vargas Llosa (novelist, Peru)
14. Isabel Allende (novelist, Chile)
15. Robert Dahl (Yale University)
16. Michael Walzer (Princeton University)
17. Seyla Benhabib (Yale University)
18. Cornel West (Princeton University)
۱۳۸۸/۵/۲۱
۱۳۸۸/۵/۱۹
برای بردن به سازمان ملل امضاء نمایید
Demands
Demand to the International Communities to take Urgent action in order to stop the crimes by the Islamic Republic of Iran and to bring those responsible to justice.
Demand to the International Communities to take Urgent action in order to stop the crimes by the Islamic Republic of Iran and to bring those responsible to justice.
۱۳۸۸/۵/۱۶
Iran: 115 executions since election
Posted: 07 August 2009 link لینک فارسی
'Alarming spike' in numbers represents 'significant increase', says Amnesty
The eight weeks between the presidential election on 12 June and the inauguration of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad for a second term as president on 5 August saw an alarming spike in the number of executions by the Iranian authorities, Amnesty International said today.
Amnesty International Secretary General Irene Khan said:
'In just over 50 days, we recorded no less that 115 executions - an average of more than two each day
'This represents a significant increase, even compared to the appallingly high rate of executions that has been so long a feature of the human rights scene in Iran.
'In recent weeks world attention has understandably been focused on the Tehran authorities' brutal attempts to suppress the mass and largely peaceful protests that followed the widely-disputed official outcome of the presidential vote. Yet, as these grotesque figures show, there has been no let up in other longstanding patterns of human rights abuse - in fact, the reverse.
'This is a dreadful situation, and one that is made worse by the fact that all or most of those executed are likely to have been denied fair trials, in gross breach of international law.'
From the start of 2009 up to 12 June, Amnesty International recorded at least 196 executions in Iran, placing the country second in the world behind China for the number of executions carried out. The 115 executions known to have been carried out since the presidential election on 12 June included 14 executions on 2 July, 20 on 4 July, 13 on 14 July and a further 24 executions on 5 August, the day of the presidential inauguration.
Amnesty is also stressing that the true total number of executions in Iran is almost certainly higher even than the number it has been able to record, which is based on official Iranian, media and other sources. Most of those executed are said to have been convicted of drug-smuggling or related offences. Those executed by hanging are believed to have been men, mostly between 20 and 50 years of age, but include at least two women. Some but not all of the victims' identities are known. In particular, the authorities have not named any of the 24 prisoners executed on 5 August at Rejai Shahr Prison in Karaj, disclosing only that they were executed for drugs-related offences.
Background
Last year Amnesty recorded at least 346 executions in Iran, the second highest number (behind China) of any country in the world. Of these at least eight were child offenders - those convicted for crimes which took place when they were aged below 18. The true overall figure is likely to have been higher, as the Iranian authorities do not issue official statistics on capital punishment.
Iran's enduring turmoil It's far from over
لینک فارسی Iran's enduring turmoil
It's far from over
Aug 6th 2009 CAIRO AND TEHRANFrom The Economist print edition
It's far from over
Aug 6th 2009 CAIRO AND TEHRANFrom The Economist print edition
THE incumbent president claims to have won a walloping 63% of the vote in the disputed presidential election of June 12th. He is still backed by Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, the Islamic Republic’s supreme leader, its security forces, its state-run media, and a parliament dominated by fellow conservatives. Yet, after his inauguration on August 5th, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad has little to savour as he settles in for a second four-year term. His position is far from secure. The crisis is still acute.
The difficulties he faces were symbolically exposed at a confirmation ceremony held on August 3rd to launch his second term. In a pointed break with protocol, many senior officials, including two former presidents, found themselves too busy to attend. So was the family of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, the leader of the revolution of 1979 and the Islamic Republic’s founding father, which by tradition is prominent at such events. And when Mr Ahmadinejad tried to repeat the unprecedented show of fealty he performed at the last such ceremony in 2005 by kissing Mr Khamenei’s hand, this time the supreme leader flinched, prompting a clumsy kiss of his shoulder instead.
document.write('');
Hardly had the ceremony closed before street protests erupted anew across Tehran. Bonfires were set alight, slogans chanted, horns tooted and pitched battles with police ran far into the night, when cries of Allahu Akbar (God is Great!) echoed as loud as ever from rooftops, as they have done nightly since the election that millions of Iranians still believe was stolen. Though far smaller in numbers than the mass demonstrations in the poll’s immediate aftermath, the protests have continued sporadically, despite campaigns of sweeping arrests and intimidation, as well as increasingly Orwellian efforts to brand dissidents as agents of an enemy plot.
The most recent effort to blame foreigners has taken a more ominously farcical twist as a show trial of alleged conspirators was aired on television. Promising to be a prolonged spectacle, it was launched with a parade of scores of prominent reformists in prison garb. After a lengthy indictment was read out, repentant ringleaders were shown making their confessions.
Alleging links between a range of Western (especially American) foundations and Iranian conspirators, including three reformist parties, the prosecutor suggested that vigilant security forces had foiled a “velvet” coup modelled on successful uprisings in Serbia, Georgia and elsewhere. His accusations swept up not only an array of notable academics with ties to foreign universities, but whole categories of activist groups, including those seeking to protect the rights of women, ethnic minorities, labour unions and students.
The carefully edited confessions appeared to implicate Western media and intelligence agencies along with the defeated reformist presidential candidates and their backers in Iran’s establishment. Looking drawn and vacant before the camera, Muhammad-Ali Abtahi, a cherubic, mid-ranking cleric who served for several years as a vice-president in the reformist administrations (1997-2005) of Muhammad Khatami, insinuated that Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, another former president and long a linchpin of Iran’s power structure, had joined the conspirators out of a wish to avenge his defeat by Mr Ahmadinejad in the 2005 election. Appearing alongside Mr Abtahi, Muhammad Atrianfar, a newspaper editor and known protégé of Mr Rafsanjani, chided the former president for his errors and asked for forgiveness from the supreme leader (“whose wisdom and alert leadership is guaranteed by nightly secrets between him and God”).
This cloud of conspiratorial innuendo had several purposes. One was to flesh out a narrative to explain the post-electoral unrest and to excuse the harshness of a crackdown that has cost at least 30 lives and sent hundreds, perhaps thousands, of Iranians to prison. Another, say dissidents, is to pave the way for a more direct attack on the most senior opposition figures. Conservative mouthpieces in parliament and the press have amplified calls for trials of the accused ringleaders, including Messrs Khatami and Rafsanjani, as well as the leading defeated candidate, Mir Hosein Mousavi. Were this to happen, it would mark the Islamic Republic’s abandonment even of its filtered pluralism and shift it finally towards a unipolar political system.
Yet far from crumbling in fear, the opposition has responded to the confessions with renewed outrage and calls for more protests. In a letter posted on his website, Mr Mousavi said the trial displayed the moral collapse of those directing it, promising that one day they would themselves be tried for what he called “Iran’s tragedy”. Mr Abtahi’s wife and daughter, ignoring warnings to remain silent, asserted that his confession had been forced.
Among the wider public, the trials appeared only to widen the rift between conservatives and their opponents. Although many still cling to foreign devilry as an excuse for Iran’s woes, others have long since grown cynical—and with good reason. In the past, televised confessions have been followed swiftly, as soon as the supposed penitent has been freed, by vehement repudiations. Most Iranians are aware of the duress people suffer in jail. Among recent victims, apparently beaten to death in police custody, was the son of an aide to Mohsen Rezai, a former head of the Revolutionary Guard who was the sole conservative candidate to compete against Mr Ahmadinejad for the presidency.
Many conservatives are, in fact, far from enthusiastic about their president. Even if he can withstand the opposition’s scorn, dismay and anger, he faces trenchant distrust within his own camp. A tussle with the supreme leader last month forced him to scrap the appointment of an in-law as vice-president. Personal clashes have led him to sack several top officials in the intelligence service, including its minister. These may be just the opening shots in what may be a sticky process to win parliament’s approval of a new cabinet.
Such struggles will also handicap Mr Ahmadinejad in economic and foreign policy. The Iranian economy was buffeted by international sanctions and lower energy prices even before political unrest shrivelled investment nearly to zero. It is in poor shape to endure still more of its president’s erratic populism. And Mr Ahmadinejad’s regime, now fully exposed in its ugliness, can expect little mercy from the world at large.
Weakened as they are, Iran’s leaders may find it expedient to curb some of their enthusiasm for foreign adventures and perhaps even their controversial nuclear programme. But their heightened xenophobia and demonisation of contact with the West augur badly for Barack Obama’s effort to engage with Iran’s rulers. Indeed, he is already tempering his early call for dialogue. Instead, there is more talk of tightening sanctions and developing even bigger bunker-busting bombs.
The difficulties he faces were symbolically exposed at a confirmation ceremony held on August 3rd to launch his second term. In a pointed break with protocol, many senior officials, including two former presidents, found themselves too busy to attend. So was the family of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, the leader of the revolution of 1979 and the Islamic Republic’s founding father, which by tradition is prominent at such events. And when Mr Ahmadinejad tried to repeat the unprecedented show of fealty he performed at the last such ceremony in 2005 by kissing Mr Khamenei’s hand, this time the supreme leader flinched, prompting a clumsy kiss of his shoulder instead.
document.write('');
Hardly had the ceremony closed before street protests erupted anew across Tehran. Bonfires were set alight, slogans chanted, horns tooted and pitched battles with police ran far into the night, when cries of Allahu Akbar (God is Great!) echoed as loud as ever from rooftops, as they have done nightly since the election that millions of Iranians still believe was stolen. Though far smaller in numbers than the mass demonstrations in the poll’s immediate aftermath, the protests have continued sporadically, despite campaigns of sweeping arrests and intimidation, as well as increasingly Orwellian efforts to brand dissidents as agents of an enemy plot.
The most recent effort to blame foreigners has taken a more ominously farcical twist as a show trial of alleged conspirators was aired on television. Promising to be a prolonged spectacle, it was launched with a parade of scores of prominent reformists in prison garb. After a lengthy indictment was read out, repentant ringleaders were shown making their confessions.
Alleging links between a range of Western (especially American) foundations and Iranian conspirators, including three reformist parties, the prosecutor suggested that vigilant security forces had foiled a “velvet” coup modelled on successful uprisings in Serbia, Georgia and elsewhere. His accusations swept up not only an array of notable academics with ties to foreign universities, but whole categories of activist groups, including those seeking to protect the rights of women, ethnic minorities, labour unions and students.
The carefully edited confessions appeared to implicate Western media and intelligence agencies along with the defeated reformist presidential candidates and their backers in Iran’s establishment. Looking drawn and vacant before the camera, Muhammad-Ali Abtahi, a cherubic, mid-ranking cleric who served for several years as a vice-president in the reformist administrations (1997-2005) of Muhammad Khatami, insinuated that Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, another former president and long a linchpin of Iran’s power structure, had joined the conspirators out of a wish to avenge his defeat by Mr Ahmadinejad in the 2005 election. Appearing alongside Mr Abtahi, Muhammad Atrianfar, a newspaper editor and known protégé of Mr Rafsanjani, chided the former president for his errors and asked for forgiveness from the supreme leader (“whose wisdom and alert leadership is guaranteed by nightly secrets between him and God”).
This cloud of conspiratorial innuendo had several purposes. One was to flesh out a narrative to explain the post-electoral unrest and to excuse the harshness of a crackdown that has cost at least 30 lives and sent hundreds, perhaps thousands, of Iranians to prison. Another, say dissidents, is to pave the way for a more direct attack on the most senior opposition figures. Conservative mouthpieces in parliament and the press have amplified calls for trials of the accused ringleaders, including Messrs Khatami and Rafsanjani, as well as the leading defeated candidate, Mir Hosein Mousavi. Were this to happen, it would mark the Islamic Republic’s abandonment even of its filtered pluralism and shift it finally towards a unipolar political system.
Yet far from crumbling in fear, the opposition has responded to the confessions with renewed outrage and calls for more protests. In a letter posted on his website, Mr Mousavi said the trial displayed the moral collapse of those directing it, promising that one day they would themselves be tried for what he called “Iran’s tragedy”. Mr Abtahi’s wife and daughter, ignoring warnings to remain silent, asserted that his confession had been forced.
Among the wider public, the trials appeared only to widen the rift between conservatives and their opponents. Although many still cling to foreign devilry as an excuse for Iran’s woes, others have long since grown cynical—and with good reason. In the past, televised confessions have been followed swiftly, as soon as the supposed penitent has been freed, by vehement repudiations. Most Iranians are aware of the duress people suffer in jail. Among recent victims, apparently beaten to death in police custody, was the son of an aide to Mohsen Rezai, a former head of the Revolutionary Guard who was the sole conservative candidate to compete against Mr Ahmadinejad for the presidency.
Many conservatives are, in fact, far from enthusiastic about their president. Even if he can withstand the opposition’s scorn, dismay and anger, he faces trenchant distrust within his own camp. A tussle with the supreme leader last month forced him to scrap the appointment of an in-law as vice-president. Personal clashes have led him to sack several top officials in the intelligence service, including its minister. These may be just the opening shots in what may be a sticky process to win parliament’s approval of a new cabinet.
Such struggles will also handicap Mr Ahmadinejad in economic and foreign policy. The Iranian economy was buffeted by international sanctions and lower energy prices even before political unrest shrivelled investment nearly to zero. It is in poor shape to endure still more of its president’s erratic populism. And Mr Ahmadinejad’s regime, now fully exposed in its ugliness, can expect little mercy from the world at large.
Weakened as they are, Iran’s leaders may find it expedient to curb some of their enthusiasm for foreign adventures and perhaps even their controversial nuclear programme. But their heightened xenophobia and demonisation of contact with the West augur badly for Barack Obama’s effort to engage with Iran’s rulers. Indeed, he is already tempering his early call for dialogue. Instead, there is more talk of tightening sanctions and developing even bigger bunker-busting bombs.
Hauptsache, ich lebe noch" Folter im Iran
Das Regime foltert seine Gegner: Gefangene und ihre Familien berichten über
Scheinhinrichtungen und Vergewaltigungen in iranische Gefängnissen. Viele Eltern haben in den letzten Wochen die zerschundenen Leichen ihrer Söhne und Töchter zurückbekommen.
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Von Martin Gehlen 6.8.2009 16:01 Uhr
Iran
Ahmadinedschad kündigt ''wichtige Veränderungen'' an
Prozess:
Sonnenfinsternis in Teheran
Fotoreportage:
Unruhen in Iran
Alles zum Thema:
Iran
Verhaftet wurde der 21-jährige Student nahe der Teheraner Universität. Als die beiden Busse im Polizeigefängnis Kahrizak ankamen, ging sofort ein Dutzend Wachleute wie die Furien auf die Gefesselten los, rissen ihnen die Kleider herunter, überschütteten sie mit Wasser und prügelten mit Gürteln und Ketten auf sei ein. „Danach war kein Leben mehr in unseren Körpern. Wir waren zu schwach, auf unseren Füßen zu stehen.“ Es sollte noch schlimmer kommen. Einige aus der überfüllten Zelle wurden für Stunden mit den Füßen an die Decke gehängt, anderen die Hände und Füße in heißem Teer verbrannt. Die Jüngsten bekamen eine Schlinge um den Hals, wurden aufgehängt und nach einigen Sekunden wieder auf den Boden heruntergelassen. „Sie dachten erst, sie sterben, dann waren sie wieder zurück im Leben“, beschreibt der Augenzeuge diese Scheinhinrichtungen. Das Schlimmste aber seien die Vergewaltigungen gewesen. Aus seiner Zelle habe es drei getroffen. Die Peiniger holten sie einmal am Tag, „wir konnten sie schreien hören“. Danach jagten sie ihren Opfern eine Beruhigungsspritze in den Körper und brachten sie zurück. Und doch haben alle aus seiner Zelle überlebt - er selbst mit ausgeschlagenen Zähnen, gebrochenen Rippen auf der rechten Seite und Taubheit im linken Ohr. „Hauptsache, ich lebe noch“, sagt er. Und „natürlich“ will er weiter demonstrieren. Foltertod eines 25-Jährigen Andere waren nicht so glücklich – so Mohsen Ruholamini, Sohn von Abdul-Hossein Ruholamini, Chef des renommierten Pasteur-Instituts und Spitzenberater des konservativen Präsidentschaftskandidaten Mohsen Rezai. Der Informatik-Student sei an einer Gehirnhautentzündung gestorben, teilte der oberste Gefängnischef Teherans den Eltern mit. „Sein ganzer Körper war übersäht mit Verletzungen und blauen Flecken. Anzeichen für eine Meningitis habe ich nicht gefunden“, widersprach Rezais Bruder Omidvar, Abgeordneter im iranischen Parlament und Neurologe. Der Foltertod des 25-Jährigen löste bis tief ins Lager der Konservativen Empörung aus. Viele Abgeordnete kennen die Familie Ruholamini und forderten eine Untersuchung. Das Gefängnis Kahrizak wurde daraufhin sofort als „nicht mehr dem Standard entsprechend“ geschlossen – auf Intervention des Obersten Religionsführers Ali Chamenei. Angeblich ermittelt die iranische Justiz inzwischen auch gegen drei der schlimmsten Schläger. Viele Eltern haben in den letzten beiden Wochen die zerschundenen Leichen ihrer Söhne und Töchter zurückbekommen. Zahlreiche Schicksale sind durch die oppositionellen Websites roozonline.com und gooya.com dokumentiert, auch wenn die Behörden die betroffenen Familien massiv einschüchtern, damit sie auf Trauerfeiern verzichten und keinerlei Auskünfte geben. Drei Wochen lang hatte die Eltern nichts von Amir Javadifar gehört, einem Studenten aus der im Nordwesten gelegenen Stadt Qazvin. „Als ich ihn identifizieren musste, war sein Körper übersäht mit Spuren von Folter“, berichtete sein Vater. „Man hatte ihn bereits autopsiert – und uns wurde erklärt, die Todesursache sei unbekannt.“ Die Mutter eines getöteten Medizinstudenten aus Kermanshah sitzt inzwischen selbst in Haft. Sie hatte sich aus Protest mit Lehm beschmiert, vor das Gebäude des Geheimdienstminsteriums gesetzt und Aufklärung verlangt. 100 Angeklagte im großen SchauprozessMan braucht also nicht viel Phantasie, um sich vorzustellen, was die 100 Angeklagten des großen Schauprozesses, der letzten Samstag vor dem 15. Revolutionsgerichtshof begann und am 8. August fortgesetzt wird, bisher durchgemacht haben. Sie habe ihren Mann ein einziges Mal besuchen können, berichtete Fahimeh Mousavinejad, die Frau des früheren Vizepräsidenten Mohammed Ali Abtahi. Er habe am ganzen Körper gezittert. Man habe ihm Pillen verabreicht, die Gedächtnisstörungen bewirken, so dass er sich an vieles nicht erinnern kann. Die Frau des bekannten Journalisten Ahmad Zeidabadi versuchte, ihrem Mann am Telefon Mut zuzusprechen. „Du bist schon früher in Isolierhaft gewesen und Du hast große Widerstandskräfte.“ Ja, ich weiß, habe er
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Von Martin Gehlen 6.8.2009 16:01 Uhr
Iran
Ahmadinedschad kündigt ''wichtige Veränderungen'' an
Prozess:
Sonnenfinsternis in Teheran
Fotoreportage:
Unruhen in Iran
Alles zum Thema:
Iran
Verhaftet wurde der 21-jährige Student nahe der Teheraner Universität. Als die beiden Busse im Polizeigefängnis Kahrizak ankamen, ging sofort ein Dutzend Wachleute wie die Furien auf die Gefesselten los, rissen ihnen die Kleider herunter, überschütteten sie mit Wasser und prügelten mit Gürteln und Ketten auf sei ein. „Danach war kein Leben mehr in unseren Körpern. Wir waren zu schwach, auf unseren Füßen zu stehen.“ Es sollte noch schlimmer kommen. Einige aus der überfüllten Zelle wurden für Stunden mit den Füßen an die Decke gehängt, anderen die Hände und Füße in heißem Teer verbrannt. Die Jüngsten bekamen eine Schlinge um den Hals, wurden aufgehängt und nach einigen Sekunden wieder auf den Boden heruntergelassen. „Sie dachten erst, sie sterben, dann waren sie wieder zurück im Leben“, beschreibt der Augenzeuge diese Scheinhinrichtungen. Das Schlimmste aber seien die Vergewaltigungen gewesen. Aus seiner Zelle habe es drei getroffen. Die Peiniger holten sie einmal am Tag, „wir konnten sie schreien hören“. Danach jagten sie ihren Opfern eine Beruhigungsspritze in den Körper und brachten sie zurück. Und doch haben alle aus seiner Zelle überlebt - er selbst mit ausgeschlagenen Zähnen, gebrochenen Rippen auf der rechten Seite und Taubheit im linken Ohr. „Hauptsache, ich lebe noch“, sagt er. Und „natürlich“ will er weiter demonstrieren. Foltertod eines 25-Jährigen Andere waren nicht so glücklich – so Mohsen Ruholamini, Sohn von Abdul-Hossein Ruholamini, Chef des renommierten Pasteur-Instituts und Spitzenberater des konservativen Präsidentschaftskandidaten Mohsen Rezai. Der Informatik-Student sei an einer Gehirnhautentzündung gestorben, teilte der oberste Gefängnischef Teherans den Eltern mit. „Sein ganzer Körper war übersäht mit Verletzungen und blauen Flecken. Anzeichen für eine Meningitis habe ich nicht gefunden“, widersprach Rezais Bruder Omidvar, Abgeordneter im iranischen Parlament und Neurologe. Der Foltertod des 25-Jährigen löste bis tief ins Lager der Konservativen Empörung aus. Viele Abgeordnete kennen die Familie Ruholamini und forderten eine Untersuchung. Das Gefängnis Kahrizak wurde daraufhin sofort als „nicht mehr dem Standard entsprechend“ geschlossen – auf Intervention des Obersten Religionsführers Ali Chamenei. Angeblich ermittelt die iranische Justiz inzwischen auch gegen drei der schlimmsten Schläger. Viele Eltern haben in den letzten beiden Wochen die zerschundenen Leichen ihrer Söhne und Töchter zurückbekommen. Zahlreiche Schicksale sind durch die oppositionellen Websites roozonline.com und gooya.com dokumentiert, auch wenn die Behörden die betroffenen Familien massiv einschüchtern, damit sie auf Trauerfeiern verzichten und keinerlei Auskünfte geben. Drei Wochen lang hatte die Eltern nichts von Amir Javadifar gehört, einem Studenten aus der im Nordwesten gelegenen Stadt Qazvin. „Als ich ihn identifizieren musste, war sein Körper übersäht mit Spuren von Folter“, berichtete sein Vater. „Man hatte ihn bereits autopsiert – und uns wurde erklärt, die Todesursache sei unbekannt.“ Die Mutter eines getöteten Medizinstudenten aus Kermanshah sitzt inzwischen selbst in Haft. Sie hatte sich aus Protest mit Lehm beschmiert, vor das Gebäude des Geheimdienstminsteriums gesetzt und Aufklärung verlangt. 100 Angeklagte im großen SchauprozessMan braucht also nicht viel Phantasie, um sich vorzustellen, was die 100 Angeklagten des großen Schauprozesses, der letzten Samstag vor dem 15. Revolutionsgerichtshof begann und am 8. August fortgesetzt wird, bisher durchgemacht haben. Sie habe ihren Mann ein einziges Mal besuchen können, berichtete Fahimeh Mousavinejad, die Frau des früheren Vizepräsidenten Mohammed Ali Abtahi. Er habe am ganzen Körper gezittert. Man habe ihm Pillen verabreicht, die Gedächtnisstörungen bewirken, so dass er sich an vieles nicht erinnern kann. Die Frau des bekannten Journalisten Ahmad Zeidabadi versuchte, ihrem Mann am Telefon Mut zuzusprechen. „Du bist schon früher in Isolierhaft gewesen und Du hast große Widerstandskräfte.“ Ja, ich weiß, habe er
geantwortet„aber diesmal ist alles sehr viel schlimmer.“
۱۳۸۸/۵/۱۵
سران رژیم را به جرم "جنایت علیه بشریت" به دست عدالت بسپارید
کمیساریای عالی حقوق بشر سازمان ملل متحد
خانم ناوانتم پیلی
.... ما از شما درخواست می کنیم تا پرونده ی نقض برنامه ریزی شده و گسترده ی حقوق اساسی مردم ایران را به شورای امنیت بسپارید تا شورا پرونده ی سران رژیم را به عنوان "جنایت علیه بشریت" تصویب کرده و به دادگاه بین المللی کیفری ارسال نماید. مطابق قانون اساسی ایران، رئیس جمهور شخص دوم کشور و مجری قانون اساسی است. احمدی نژاد در سرکوب مردم ایران نقش مستقیم داشته و دارد. به همین دلیل، ما درخواست می کنیم تا محمود احمدی نژاد، و دیگر افرادی را که در سرکوب مردم نقش مستقیم داشته و دارند، به محض خروج از ایران بازداشت و به دست عدالت بسپارید.ادامه مطلب
با فرستادن میل به این ادرس از بیانیه میتوانید پشتیبانی کنید ehrv.iran@gmail.com
آیت الله صانعی: اعتنای به اعترافات معترضان "مخالفت آشکار با قرآن" است
link
"آیا سزاوار بود که پاسخ انتقاد و اعتراض آنها را چنین بدهثم و ناخواسته ایجاد بحران نماییم و تمام آن اعترض ها را به دول خارجی نسبت داده و بی اعتنا به سرنوشت محتوم تمام مستبدان و ظالمان، آنها را وابسته به دنیای غرب بدانیم؟"
این اعترافات "نه تنها بی ارزش، بلکه افترا و تهمت، معصیت کبیره و برخلاف همه قوانین، حقوق و کرامت انسان هاست و همه کسانی که به نحوی در نشر اینگونه اعتراف ها دخیل بوده اند، در گناه آنها شریک و سهیم می باشند و همه آنها مستوجب عذاب افترا و تضییع آبروی مردم هستند."
این مرجع تقلید هشدار می دهد که دست اندرکاران اخذ و نشر این اعترافات "در زمانی نه چندان دور، قبل از جزای آخرت، کیفر و جزای عمل خائنانه خود را در این دنیا و در محکمه ای صالح و عادلانه خواهند دید."
"آیا سزاوار بود که پاسخ انتقاد و اعتراض آنها را چنین بدهثم و ناخواسته ایجاد بحران نماییم و تمام آن اعترض ها را به دول خارجی نسبت داده و بی اعتنا به سرنوشت محتوم تمام مستبدان و ظالمان، آنها را وابسته به دنیای غرب بدانیم؟"
این اعترافات "نه تنها بی ارزش، بلکه افترا و تهمت، معصیت کبیره و برخلاف همه قوانین، حقوق و کرامت انسان هاست و همه کسانی که به نحوی در نشر اینگونه اعتراف ها دخیل بوده اند، در گناه آنها شریک و سهیم می باشند و همه آنها مستوجب عذاب افترا و تضییع آبروی مردم هستند."
این مرجع تقلید هشدار می دهد که دست اندرکاران اخذ و نشر این اعترافات "در زمانی نه چندان دور، قبل از جزای آخرت، کیفر و جزای عمل خائنانه خود را در این دنیا و در محکمه ای صالح و عادلانه خواهند دید."
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